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AEI currently utilizes a RIEGL VZ400 Terrestrial Laser Scanner on various job sites.  This proecss utilizes a high accuracy 3D terrestrial LiDAR unit.  The data collected will be brought into a feature extraction software, TopoDOT.  TopoDOT utilizes a variety of tools to identify adn quickly extrapolate features within pointcloud data.  All features can then be imported into an AutoCAD drawing file.  AEI can provide an accurate 3D pointcloud of terrain plus any existing building or structures.  The pointcloud can also be converted for Building Information Models.

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Allen Engineering is involved with the civil design and surveying for the new park in Palm Bay, Flordia.  This Regional Park will feature 150 full service campsite hookups and is scheduled to break ground in 2018.  We are extremely proud to be involved in this project.

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Allen Engineering is beginning its 21st year associated with the Space Coast Post of the Society of American Military Engineers (SAME).  During our 21 years, we have helped raise over $350,000 in scholarships and endowments.  We are extremely proud to be associated with SAME and its continued commitment to offer opportunities for students pursuing careers in the engineering field.

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More recently sleep aid in cold medicine purchase provigil 100 mg with amex, ratings have appeared on television shows other than news and sports - insomnia buy generic provigil 200 mg on-line. With the passage of the Telecommunications Act of 1996 sleep aid purchase 200 mg provigil overnight delivery, the government required the industry to insomnia 31 weeks pregnant purchase provigil 200mg mastercard devise a ratings system or let the government provide one for it. One justification for the ratings was that parents needed a classification system to program the V-Chip blocking device on television sets mandated by the 1996 act. Pressure from advocacy groups has led most television stations to add content descriptors to the age-ratings. Similar to the film industry ratings board, the gaming industry examines titles that are voluntarily submitted and rates them for both age and content (see table 3). Titles in this category may contain minimal cartoon, fantasy, or mild violence or infrequent use of mild language, or both. E10+ (Everyone 10 and Older): contains content that may be suitable for ages ten and older. Titles in this category may contain more cartoon, fantasy, or mild violence; mild language; and minimal suggestive themes. Titles in this category may contain violence, suggestive themes, crude humor, minimal blood, simulated gambling, or infrequent use of strong language. M (Mature): contains content that may be suitable for persons ages seventeen and older. Titles in this category may contain intense violence, blood and gore, sexual content, or strong language. Titles in this category may include prolonged scenes of intense violence, graphic sexual content, and nudity. The group, made up primarily of wives of prominent Washington lawmakers led by Tipper Gore, argued that such lyrics had negative effects on the psychological well-being of listeners. Today, the Parental Advisory Label system alerts parents with a warning label, voluntarily placed on recordings by producers and distributors. Advertising Self-Regulation Over the years, the federal government has considered and reconsidered the notion of regulating advertising directed at children (see table 1). Several academic studies have linked exposure to unhealthful food advertising with childhood overweight. Similarly, in 2007, the Motion Picture Association of America announced that it would consider smoking when it rates movies. The historic "Master Settlement" of 1998 required the big tobacco companies such as R. Reynolds and Phillip Morris to pay hundreds of billions of dollars to states to spend on prevention programs. Evaluations of the implementation of federal mandates suggest that the media industry will follow the letter of the law. In the case of television, for example, television manufacturers began including the computer V-Chip device in television sets sold after January 2000 to comply with the Telecommunications Act of 1996. A study conducted by the Annenberg Public Policy Center in the year following implementation of the V-Chip mandate found that less than 10 percent of parents consistently used the device, even when they were shown how to use it. Research at the Kaiser Family Foundation also suggests that the ratings are too complex to be effective for parents. A study by the Annenberg Public Policy Center conducted two years after the mandate went into effect found that few parents knew that broadcasters were airing educational and informational programming for children. First, the programs considered educational by the broadcasters (for example, Saved by the Bell, a comedy about high school teens) were not considered educational by parents, who held a more traditional conception of "educational. In addition, the majority of the network-provided programs are "pro-social"-they teach children lessons such as loyalty, honesty, and cooperation rather than teaching curriculum-based lessons such as science, math, or reading. Some academic research has been conducted on the voluntary ratings systems, however. In one study, researchers recruited parents to rate the content of computer and video games, movies, and television programs. And unlike industry self-regulatory units, advocacy groups have, as part of their mission, the goal of informing the public about industry misdeeds. These tensions have tended to result in a combination of laws and voluntary self-regulation, which have the simultaneous goals of encouraging the offerings of "good" content, such as educational programming and age-appropriate choices, and limiting exposure to "bad" content, such as profanity and online predators. Of all the many challenges facing policymakers who use regulation to empower parents and protect children, perhaps the greatest is the rapid evolution of media technology. Congressional leaders do not interact with new media technologies in ways that provide great insight into their capacity for good and harm. In 2006, for example, Senator Ted Stevens (R-Alaska), then chairman of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, was ridiculed on the Daily Show with Jon Stewart and in other public forums for trying to describe the Internet as a "series of tubes" and comparing the Web to a "dump truck. It also suggests that parents, too, have difficulty understanding the media their children use. In a world where parents ask their children to fix a misbehaving computer, program the television remote control, or set up their cell phone ring tones, it is understandable that parents would see blocking filters like the V-Chip as a low hurdle for children to clear and an ineffective tool for managing media. Congressional mandates and self-regulation must be implemented in good faith by the industry and used effectively by the public to have a serious impact on the media landscape. Research conducted by the Annenberg Public Policy Center, the Kaiser Family Foundation, advocacy groups, and even federal agencies suggests that policies and guidelines often do not produce dramatic changes in what is available, in what children see, hear, or play, or in how parents supervise. Some observers might argue that simply holding the line on content and access-keeping violence on Amy B.

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The magnitude of these reductions are in line with those found in the direct approach of Phillips et al insomnia zzzquil generic 100 mg provigil with mastercard. Key here are the striking similarities in the abilities and personalities of twins and other siblings reared apart from one another sleep aid electronic buy cheap provigil 100 mg on-line. Indeed insomnia jill scott cheap provigil 100mg fast delivery, these similarities are almost as large as those found for siblings who grow up together and nature made sleep aid 60 provigil 200 mg low price, in the language of the behavioral geneticists, share the same environment (see Chapter 2). There is abundant evidence that the nature and effects of family socioeconomic influences vary sufficiently across time and among children to suggest that they are more properly conceived as belonging to the "nonshared" than the "shared" environmental category. Specifically, longitudinal studies based on nationally representative data have shown that family income is quite volatile (Duncan, 1988) and that siblings several years apart in age often experience quite different childhood incomes (Duncan and Raudenbush, 1999). Few children who live in single-parent families do so for their entire childhood (Duncan and Rodgers, 1998). This leads to the possibility that the effects on child development of economic conditions and single-parent family structure, for example, may depend on the stage of childhood in which they are experienced. In fact, a study of the completed schooling of siblings in a national sample found that differences in family income specific to stages of childhood accounted for approximately 17 percent of the variation in differences in completed schooling (Teachman et al. In sum, the review of current thinking about genetic influences presented in Chapter 2 reminds us of the importance of understanding the interplay between genetic and environmental influences over the course of development. This discussion of genetics and family resources counters more extreme portrayals of socioeconomic status as primarily reflecting genetic influences on development. The third focuses not on parents directly, but rather on the home environments they create for their children. Although we discuss these pathways separately, it is likely that they interact and accumulate within families in disparate ways. Moreover, the processes we describe presume that parents and parental environments affect children, but not vice versa. However, as we have discussed throughout this report, children actively shape both their personal relationships and their environments more broadly (Bell, 1968, 1974; Sameroff and Fiese, 1990). Low-income parents are at greater risk for depression and other forms of psychological distress, such as low self-worth and negative beliefs about control (see bottom panel of Table 10-1; Gazmararian et al. Over 40 percent of the poor women in two large samples participating in work and training programs, for example, scored at or above the cutoff for clinically significant depressive symptoms (Quint et al. Nationally representative estimates of mental health problems indicate that approximately 10 percent of poor and less-educated people in the United States have current major depressive episodes-twice the rate of others who are more advantaged (Blazer et al. The psychological cost of economic hardship is compellingly portrayed by ethnographic work with poor families. Based on hundreds of interviews with low-income welfare recipients and working single mothers living in three cities, Edin and Lein (1997) describe their constant struggles to provide food, housing, and other necessities, as well as to keep their children out of danger. Despite ongoing hardship, most of the mothers in the study adapted to their situations. They budgeted carefully and spent considerable time and energy making money in alternative ways. Despite their efforts, however, arrangements for child care, housing, and medical care were often precarious. Any one of a number of events, such as a family or extendedfamily illness, could cause major disruptions to their employment and family lives. The chronic and pervasive stress that Edin and Lein document suggests important potential links among economic hardship, mental health, and parenting. In addition, Kessler (1982) demonstrated that low levels of education, income, and occupational status each make independent contributions to the variation seen in maternal psychological distress. The connection between economic hardship and mental health is important because, as discussed in Chapter 9, poor mental health is related to harsh, inconsistent, and detached parenting. These associations are often dependent on the age and gender of the children and, as with each aspect of socioeconomic status, they account for only part of the association between poverty and child well-being (McLeod and Shanahan, 1993; Watson et al. Fathers who experienced job loss and economic deprivation were more distressed psychologically and prone to explosive, rejecting, and punitive parenting. Preschool-age children in these families, especially boys, were more likely to exhibit problem behaviors, while adolescent girls were more likely to have lower feelings of self-adequacy and to be less goal-oriented. Elder and colleagues (1985) speculated that the gender and age differences reflected different experiences in families during the deprived times. During this time of economic hardship, adolescent boys sought economic opportunities outside the home, which reduced the time they spent with their families, gave them a useful role to play, and may have reduced the amount of negative family interactions they experienced. Younger children and adolescent girls did not have the same access to buffers provided by extrafamilial activities. In one, reduced financial resources among black, rural, single-parent families were associated with lower maternal self-esteem, and lower self-esteem was associated with deterioration in family routines and the quality of mother-child interactions (Brody and Flor, 1997). Substance abuse constitutes another risk factor associated with decreased mental health and economic hardship among parents (Table 10-1). Since the effects of drugs vary dramatically by drug type, substance-abusing parents may display a variety of patterns of impaired parenting. Most of the evidence comes from studies that have documented high occurrences of abuse and neglect among these parents; more harsh, negative, angry, threatening, and punitive interactions; and less responsiveness to their children (Bauman and Dougherty, 1983; Bernstein et al. However, because drug abuse often co-occurs with other psychiatric problems and disadvantaged circumstances, it is hard to know whether the parenting practices of substance-abusing parents are uniquely impaired by their drug habits (Mayes, 1995). Finally, both the reporting and incidence of child maltreatment are higher among low-income than high-income families (Table 10-1; Trickett et al. Studies of the etiology of child maltreatment suggest that while child abuse and neglect capture different behaviors, children who are abused are also often neglected, and differences in of Sciences. Some have speculated, for example, that persistent poverty is more closely related to neglect, while abuse is precipitated by sudden economic loss (Aber, 1994).

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Civic associations generally have broad improvement purposes while social welfare and social service organization have more specific and targeted purposes sleep aid cvs generic provigil 200mg line. Overhead incorporates non program or service delivery expenses such as management costs sleep aid rite-aid trusted 100 mg provigil, accounting fees sleep aid unisom dosage cheap provigil 200 mg on-line, general insurance insomnia third trimester cheap 200mg provigil with visa, rent, telephone and some office expenses. While all agencies use this category, the exact items incorporated in overhead may vary considerably Many cities and smaller communities establish organizations who purposes and activities are guided by public decision making process. While strictly speaking, they are nonprofit organizations, they are more generally described as quasi-public organizations or institutions because of the close relationship they maintain with government. Information review: o In developmental psychology we study the changes in behavior from conception until death o the maturation of an individual is generally based on age. Stages of Development: o Birth ­ 2 months: probably can notice faces and bright objects o 2 months: social smile develops, generally can follow moving objects with eyes, pays attention to speaking voice, grunts and sighs. Dada mama baba, responds to name o Ten months: pays attention, plays some games, stands with support 27 Growth & Development · · · 11 months: stands by self with support 12 months: walks with help, shows affection, jealously, anger and other emotions. Psychosocial Development: Erikson o Erikson stresses the social rather than the sexual development. Muscular anal (18 months -3 years) Outcome: self-assertion, self-control and feelings of adequacy. Locomotor genital (3-6 years) Outcome: sense of initiative, purpose and direction. Outcome: ability to form closer personal relationships & make career commitments 7. According to Kohlberg, each stage arises from the one before it and is more complex. To measure moral development Kohlberg presented subjects with a series of moral dilemmas and asked them to evaluate them. Stage 5: legalistic orientation, individual is concerned with fitting in the community and abiding societal mores, etc. Generally, this refers to a concept that defines where individuals feel control over their behavior or where the responsibility lies. This responsibility lies within themselves (internal) or outside themselves and is influenced by external environmental and system events. Accommodation: modify current thought structure to deal with new features of an environment. This need for balance is the primary organizing force behind cognitive growth and development. Research has found a great variation in what ages people reach these stages; however, these stages correlate well with intelligence testing. Sensorimotor: (ages 0-2 six substages, individuals look to environment in terms of sensory information and the actions that can be performed. Concrete Operational (ages 7-11) during this stage, individuals can understand abstract symbols. Here the child is realistic in his/her way of thinking · Achieve conservation (mass, liquid, volume, and weight)(Formal Operations: the individual develops egocentrism and is able to self-admire and self-criticize, full abstract and logical deduction ability is reached. A variable is any phenomena or characteristic that is free to vary with at least 2 conditions or levels. Demographic variables are used to define your sample Two types of important variables are the independent and dependent. Dependent variables are the presumed effect and vary as related to the independent variable. If we think a relationship exists, we must first generate a hypothesis and proceed to test it. Random sample: Briefly state, it is a planned process that utilizes probability theory to ensure that the sample will represent the population. In the random sample each subject in the population has an equal chance of being selected. It is where you take what you know about a small group or sample of a population and apply it to explain the general population. Inferential statistics: these robust powerful statistics help the researcher make "inferences" or assumptions about a population. Negative or inverse association: as one goes up, the other goes down; as one goes down, other gores up. Association measures trend: Correlation measures the mathematical relationships between two variables. A code of ethics for a profession contains standards of conduct subscribed to by members of a profession. These codes reflect concerns and define basic principles that "ought to guide" professional activities. Their purpose is to: o Provide a position on standards of practice to aid professionals in deciding how to act when areas of conflict arise. Social workers must evaluate ethical practice based on three considerations: o Their professional moral judgment (does it make the worker uncomfortable) o Legal aspects (are there laws governing it) o the ethical implications (do ethical principle to which we abide apply). This code is divided into six sections and only highlights of each will be discussed. The social work state licensing boards establish the minimum criteria or standards for competence for practice in the state. Ethical Principles: o Service the primary goal is to help people in need and address social problems. When accepting goods or services from a client, the social worker accepts the responsibility of defending this action if need be. Professional Values & Ethics and Professional Relationships A 95 times out of 100 you will guess correctly.

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Thus insomnia janet jackson no sleep 200mg provigil overnight delivery, there was a decade-long process of progressive expansion of tasks and responsibilities during which time the value of the program became increasingly evident vantage sleep aid 50mg buy cheap provigil 200mg line. However sleep aid app for iphone purchase provigil 100mg without a prescription, the government terminated the program in 2013 in response to insomniac events purchase provigil 100mg on line a political crisis. Thailand has one million Village Health Volunteers (one for every 10-20 households). This can include dispensing program commodities either on an ongoing basis as depot holders. Such programs have been introduced in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique, Nepal, Niger, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. Their roles vary; in some programs they help to mobilize the community so that when a government vaccinator comes to the community, those who need a vaccination will be there to receive it (as happens in Bangladesh, Nepal and India). In India, Auxiliary Nurse Midwives have now been renamed Multipurpose Health Workers, reflecting new responsibilities for non-communicable diseases and care for the elderly. Most of the programs covered in this compendium provide six weeks to three months of initial training. However, this is often sporadic and frequently is funded by external donors on disease-specific topics. Supervision In the case studies in this compendium, supervision is a commonly mentioned challenge. Because these programs tend to be underfunded, supervisory responsibilities are often "tacked on" to staff of the nearest health facility who themselves may be overloaded with clinical and other responsibilities. Time pressures on supervisors and lack of transport are the most common constraints cited. However, there are countries that appear to have been able to overcome these constraints. At this point, however, there is a shortage of nurses and the program has yet to ramp up due to the lack of funding. Still, it represents an interesting emerging approach to supervision and close teamwork. Historically, supervision has often been carried out by other cadres of health worker. Following completion of this training, these Family Health Professionals will receive a university degree and return to work at their health post doing similar work as before, at a health center to work as a clinician, or in a district or regional office to assume a management position (Zufan Abera, personal communication, 2020). Many programs utilize volunteers and provide no salary (Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Kenya, Nepal), but these volunteers usually receive other incentives, from per diem payments to social recognition and in-kind benefits. As such, this income lacks the associated benefits that government employees normally receive. These cooperatives receive funds directly from the government for the services of its members, and the members work together using these funds as seed money for other income-generating activities. In Nepal the government has established local endowment c d these dollar figures are only a very rough guide of the value of the income and need to be interpreted in terms of local salary scales. Among other things, this approach encourages teamwork as well as high individual performance. Financing the long-standing, stable programs in Brazil, India, Indonesia, Iran and Thailand all rely on central government funding. In the previous section on supervision, we mentioned the dual-cadre systems in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Niger, Nepal and Zambia. Examples include the Community Health Care Providers in Bangladesh and the Agents de Santй Communautaire in Niger. Further, there are countries such as Nigeria in which their Community Health Extension Workers spend all of their time in health centers with other higher-level workers because of staff shortages there. Examples of these programs are in Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Ghana, Madagascar, Malawi, and Mozambique. Commonly shared challenges the case studies described in this compendium have many common challenges as well as many interesting and important exceptions and innovations. Due to poor planning, the Village Health Guides program (introduced in India in 1977) performed poorly, eventually leading to the demise of the program. Often decision-makers have failed to appreciate at the outset how expensive strong community health services actually are. South Africa and Nigeria are important examples of countries that have passed legislation to strengthen community health programming but then failed to provide the funding needed to implement these programs. There are also many examples in which funding for community health programming has been cut back or eliminated as governments faced a political or financial crisis, or when funding a different health priority took precedence. Observations, Trends, and the Way Forward 457 Irregularities and shortages of essential components of the program Stockouts of supplies and medicines are frequently cited. Long-term career retention and motivation the lack of attractive remuneration along with poor supervisory and logistical support can be quite demotivating. Building career paths is one example of attempts to improve motivation and retention. In many societies, there are cultural proscriptions against a woman leaving her home and going out into the community. Even the act of a male health worker touching a woman for any reason is culturally taboo in many societies. In Bangladesh there is a separate male cadre (the Health Assistant) who carries out duties acceptable for a man in this setting, while the Family Welfare Assistant cadre is entirely female and handles reproductive and maternal health issues. Lady Health Workers in Pakistan have suffered abductions and beatings in response to their participation in polio campaigns and other immunization services as a result of the politicization of these activities. In some countries, such as Brazil, the process was relatively slow and evolutionary, occurring over several decades. Bangladesh took a careful and measured approach over more than a decade by scaling up purposefully but in stages, evaluating the program at each new level of operation and making adjustments before moving to the next stage, using independent technical support provided by the International Institute for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh (now icddrb). Ghana first replicated its original model that was first tested in 1994 in Navrongo in other districts in the same (Upper Volta) region, then in several other pilot districts before moving to national scale-up.

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